immigration reform

"Principled", "Solutions-Driven" US Senate Candidate Ryan Frazier Speaks Out

(Co-authored by El Presidente and Ben DeGrow)

We were privileged with the opportunity last Saturday to sit down and conduct an exclusive half-hour two-on-one interview with Republican U.S. Senate candidate Ryan Frazier (Frazier's two GOP primary contenders are Weld County district attorney Ken Buck and businessman Cleve Tidwell). The conversation was wide-ranging and informative. We left with a clearer picture of the candidate's vision and the campaign's direction.

We began by bringing up a recent article in The Hill that portrayed Frazier as part of a "band of centrists", and asked him what he thought of the characterization. He responded: "I'm Ryan Frazier, and I do what I believe to be right. I've never been much for labels.... I'll leave the labeling to the press." Though he did choose the word "principled" to describe his philosophy, he was fairly adamant about not being categorized into a box.

Nor did Frazier express any dismay that Beltway Republican Party bigwigs have taken a wait-and-see approach to his candidacy (all the better in light of NRSC's recent Florida endorsement): "I'm not really concerned about folks in Washington DC. I never expected to be their number one choice. As a matter of fact, I think that's why our candidacy can be so significant. Because we're not the establishment. We are a grassroots campaign.... I'm not as concerned about whether they think I'm a top choice."

Frazier added that his coalition building is anything but traditional for a Republican candidate in Colorado, as he stressed the bottom-line focus of his early campaign strategy: "It's building the base, period. That's my goal. And I'm not talking about just purely a Republican base. I have to build a Colorado base of support that spans Republicans, unaffiliateds, and Democrats....I'm going to take a very non-traditional route toward building the base." That route will be premised on “ideas and specific solutions” that rise above party affiliation.

Frazier also elaborated on the nature true grassroots movements in leading the resurgence of fiscally responsible, limited government, and individual freedom-inspired candidates nationwide. “What they represent is a movement, something that the center-right has not seen in some time,” Frazier explained. He continued, “This movement is critical to my campaign . . . but also critical to restoring Republican fiscal responsibility, and move this country in a better direction.”

Now, certainly, Frazier would prefer to be the candidate representing the Republican Party in challenging Michael Bennet in 2010. But in any case, he laid out a pretty clear, 3-point roadmap of the incumbent appointee's clearest weaknesses:

  1. Education: In particular, Michael Bennet's abandonment of disadvantaged kids by throwing the D.C. voucher program under the bus (more recently, Bennet told Denver Post columnist Vincent Carroll that the program is a "here today, gone tomorrow" argument).
  2. EFCA, also known as the union card-check bill. Of course, Bennet's indecisiveness on this issue has approached legendary status. Frazier noted that no matter what happens going forward, Bennet has already identified himself by his long delay in making a decision on this "extremely poor policy".
  3. "He's been going around the state touting Obama's budget as if somehow it's the best thing since peanut butter & jelly sandwiches." Frazier added that this clearly aligns the Democrat incumbent with "fiscal irresponsibility" and mounting deficits and debt.

Frazier touched on other specific issues: "I believe that in a Republican primary the issue of immigration will play a role.... That said, ultimately only practical solutions to the issue of immigration I think will win the day." Among the ideas he touted were scrapping the 3-year and 10-year rules for re-entry to create an incentive for voluntary self-deportation, and establishing a non-immigrant visa for service workers. He recognized that the issue is a strong suit for primary opponent Ken Buck, but is counting on a move toward smart solutions over heated rhetoric to hold his own.

As to the big deal that has been made out of his apparently unorthodox views on social issues, Frazier had a couple important things to say. First, he denied rumors that his views were anything but "pro-life". While we didn't have time to dig deeper into more specific issues in the abortion debate, he did state: "When it comes to the issue of life, I'm very supportive of strict constructionist judges....You can argue about Roe v Wade and the outcome. But if you look at it just on the basis of the law, the fact is the Constitution is silent on the matter, and as such the Tenth Amendment should apply."

Second, he stood firm on his position in defense of granting employee benefits to same-sex couples. "It doesn't mean I'm abandoning my principles." As he also stands against the idea of gay marriage, we don't see this position as being any sort of deal-breaker with the vast majority of conservatives in Colorado.

When asked about the importance of getting his early strong endorsement from the Associated Builders and Contractors of Western Colorado -- very early, and the first for anyone in the race -- Frazier said: "Their support early on is instrumental to 1) continue to build support and 2) to raise the money it's going to take to be competitive to win." Frazier earned the endorsement not just for the contested Republican primary, but for US Senate, period. The association of businessmen and women on the western side of Colorado believe Frazier is a pro-business, free market candidate that will "aid in returning our economy to an emergent, healthy and vibrant environment," and will not simply be "a no vote."

Frazier did observe from his early fundraising calls, however, that the state of the economy has affected the amounts certain donors traditionally have been able to give. The race may require 20 million dollars to win, but a less than optimal fiscal climate might skew those numbers. On the other hand, Frazier noted, the numbers could rise if the race is perceived as strongly competitive (a necessary retention for Democrats, a viable pickup for Republicans) and is pushed into the top 2 or 3 Senate races nationwide in terms of visibility and swing potential as the “eyes of the nation are focused on Colorado.”

As far as the economy's possible effect on the broader success of his campaign themes and electoral chances, Frazier adroitly noted: "Certainly there are going to be those if the economy gets better they're going to say the Democrats are in charge when it got better. But I would always remind people that when the Democrats were in control it got worse, as well. It's not a matter of the Democrats, it's a matter of confidence by the American people that the economy can and will get better tomorrow than it is today."

“I believe it will come down to this in 2010—who has the best ideas and who can connect with the people—these will ultimately be the deciding factors,” concluded Frazier.

Frazier closed out our talk with an emphasis on the fact that he is "solutions-driven", clearly a theme that appeared throughout his answers. To address what keeps him going on the rigorous campaign schedule that hampers his business and family commitments, he eloquently summed up the case for his candidacy: "I do want to see a better Colorado and a better America where our taxes are low, where our rights are protected, our Constitution is upheld, and our country is defended. Those are the things that motivate me."

Undoubtedly, the young Aurora city councilman, entrepreneur, and father of three has a lot of work cut out for him, but as he begins to make a national impression, Ryan Frazier is on track to make a strong showing.

Thanks to Ryan for making time, and thanks to those who helped set up the meeting.

Tackling illegal immigration

There seems little doubt that illegal immigration is the single most divisive issue among conservatives.  There's a sense among border hawks that anyone who doesn't adopt an enforcement-only position on the matter has caved to political correctness and sold out the nation's sovereignty in the name of feel-good policies and rhetoric.  Then, there are those who are uncomfortable with the rhetoric that has been employed by border hawks and resent the feeling that they're being ideologically bullied into accepting a harsh view of Hispanics in general in order to avoid being tarred as a criminal coddling one-worlder.

Over the course of the debate, the thing that stands out is that, generally speaking, the depth of passion with regard to the issue is directly attributable to the individual's proximity to the problem.  People who live in border states naturally feel much more strongly about illegal immigration than those who live in the nation's interior and aren't force to confront the fallout of uncontrolled immigration.  And, so, the problem becomes one of perspective.  You can't expect someone who lives in a rural town in North Dakota to have the same experience as someone who lives in San Antonio or Los Angeles.

That's not to say that people who live in the nation's interior don't feel strongly about the issue.  There are those who live in Wisconsin Dells who will grow positively livid at the mere mention of the subject.  By the same token, there are conservatives (albeit, not many) in Brownsville, Texas who shudder at the thought of a Tancredoesque immigration policy.  Invariably, the most passionate group on either side tends to dictate the terms of debate, and neither side seems interested in discussing anything beyond the deepest principles upon which they base their views, and the best way to see those principles reflected in policy.

Those who hold the most restrictionist view do so based on the idea that the law is the law, and if there is no respect for one portion of the law, then it heralds a breakdown of the entire system and undermines the most basic element of an orderly society.  Those who hold a more relaxed approach tend to do so based on the idea that part of America's unique character is its generally welcoming attitude toward foreigners and the belief that anyone who comes here and is willing to put forth the effort and play by the rules can contribute to the greatest, most successful experiment in human history.

Ah, but there's the sticking point:  "play by the rules".  It is, after all, a crucial part of the equation.  And, whether we like it or not, illegal immigrants are here as a result of a failure to play by the rules.  Consequently, they have bypassed one of the basic elements of the experiment -- often at the expense of those who go to the not-inconsiderable trouble observe all of the elements.  Understandably, many people find this grossly unfair, and it infuriates them.

Still, there is the issue of the rhetoric employed in advocating a more restrictionist posture.  When an issue divides people into camps based on principles that are so basic as law and order versus freedom and opportunity, it is inevitable that passions will become inflamed.  It is made even worse when the two sides are divided by virtue of having to see the direct consequences of uncontrolled immigration as opposed to seeing the benefits of high levels of immigration. 

A lettuce farmer in Arizona sees hardworking people who will work for lower wages than the teenagers who would prefer to work in the service industry rather than spend his days sweating in a field.  Young parents see their children learning Spanish from the little Mexican girl who just moved in down the street, and her parents seem like honest, hardworking people.

Meanwhile, a framing carpenter in Bakersfield, California sees his opportunities diminish because he can't get a decent-paying job as a result of an influx of low-paid Mexicans who are wiling to work for low wages and get by on the bare minimum so that he can send his pay back across the border to his family so that they can eventually come and stay in the U.S.  Or, a struggling middle class family sits in a hospital waiting room for hours hoping for their child to be seen by a doctor at some point in the near future, fearing they'll be given the bum's rush because they don't have insurance.  And, find themselves in a room with people who don't speak English and obviously don't have insurance either getting the same treatment, if not better, and knowing that the government will be picking up their tab.

It is clearly obvious that something needs to be done.  Native born Americans are growing resentful, and not without good reason, at the seeming disregard with which they see themselves being treated by their government.  If this continues unaddressed, the resentments will grow, and all of the nightmare scenarios that pro-immigrant groups point to as looming threats will undoubtedly come to fruition.  And, there is absolutely no reason that this has to be the case.

As conservatives, we all agree that centralized government is bad government.  It is far removed from the people it serves, and it has repeatedly proven itself to be utterly clumsy and oafish with regard to dealing with localized problems.  And, at least in its most extreme cases, illegal immigration is a localized problem.  Why should it be addressed through a centralized bureaucracy like Immigration and Customs Enforcement?

Back in the days leading up to the Republican takeover of Congress in 1994, one of the most compelling arguments that Republicans made was that government should be closer to the people.  As a result, there was as rash of proposals for government reform geared toward that end.  Why can't illegal immigration be a part of that kind of reform?

I would submit that the problem would be best addressed in the way that crime in general was addressed by the Contract with America.  It seems to me, as a conservative, that having the power to enforce our immigration laws centralized and funded through a bloated bureaucracy like ICE, and throwing more money at it every year with minimal results and the inevitable kick-in of the law of diminishing returns, is a terrible idea.

How about turning to federalism?  How about, instead of funding what hasn't worked for so long, returning to what we know works?  Why not, instead of rewarding ICE for years of failure and ineptitude, we take some of the money that is being spent on what hasn't worked, put it into block grants to fund local enforcement agencies to deal with the problem?  The money would then be targeted toward places where the problem is most keenly felt, and it would be used by people who are most familiar with their particular situation, rather than a heavily centralized body that is by nature a victim of inertia?

Some money could be directed toward the facilities that would inevitably be needed to house and process the illegal immigrants that are apprehended if local enforement officials deem it necessary.  Some could be directed toward training local officers in immigration law, or even Spanish language education.  Whatever it is that the local community needs, they're more likely to know it than a bureaucrat it D.C.

And, finally, what makes decentralization work is that it creates an opportunity for ideas to be generated by people closest to the situation.  The more successful ideas could then serve as models for other areas that are hard-hit by the woes that accompany uncontrolled immigration.  They could choose to focus on whatever symptom of the problem has proven to be the most vexing within their own communities, rather than have it dictated and enforced by people with no familiarity to their own unique situations.  And, finally, those communities wherein illegal immigration has not proven to be a real problem wouldn't have reason to fear the prospect of the government swooping down on them and disrupting their lives.

I don't contend that this is the entire solution to the problem.  But, it at least addresses the issue in a way that conservatives can all support in good conscience, and provides relief to those who most desperately need it, and a measure of peace of mind for those who are alarmed whenever they see the looming shadow of the heavy hand of government descending upon their lives and communities.  At the very least, it seems to provide room to breathe for all of us.

Syndicate content